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A heated debate has arisen across the UK and abroad after Safeguarding Minister Jess Phillips last week rejected calls for a public inquiry into child grooming gangs in Oldham. In a letter sent to Oldham Council in response to its request for a public inquiry, Phillips stated it was for “Oldham Council alone to decide whether to commission an inquiry into child sexual exploitation locally, rather than for the Government to intervene”. The decision has led to widespread criticism, with Shadow Justice Secretary Robert Jenrick calling it “shameful” and Elon Musk arguing that Phillips “deserves to be in prison”. Reform UK leader, Nigel Farage, has defended Musk’s involvement as an exercise in “free speech”. Professor Alexis Jay, former Chair of the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA), has suggested that it is change that is needed rather than a fresh inquiry. A statement published on Sunday by campaign group Act on IICSA warned against the politicisation of sexual violence, which only “hinders the implementation of vital and urgent overhaul” to existing systems. In a press conference on Monday, Sir Keir Starmer defended Jess Phillips and his own record as Director of Public Prosecutions, accusing critics of “spreading lies and misinformation” and of being interested in themselves rather than the victims.
Former President of the Supreme Court, Lord Neuberger, has warned that legal aid cuts in family cases are denying parents their human rights, stating that the cuts are “wrong in principle”. Following legislative changes in 2013, parents in private children’s law cases are unable to access legal aid – irrespective of their means – unless abuse is alleged. In an exclusive interview with the Guardian, Neuberger called it “almost disgraceful” that parents are given human rights and then denied the ability to enforce them as a result of the lack of legal aid. “Rights aren’t meaningful unless they can be enforced”, he added. A Ministry of Justice spokesperson responded to Neuberger’s position by emphasising the importance of families getting the “best outcomes as quickly as possible”, pointing to the mediation scheme available for family disputes which is partially Government funded.
In Other News
The latest report published by HRMMU, the UN team investigating human rights in Ukraine, details the deteriorating situation in the region with a surge in monthly civilian casualties and allegations of executions of Ukrainian Servicepersons. Evidence continues to suggest that individuals being held as Prisoners of War (POWs) are suffering torture and ill-treatment, including sexual violence. While the report acknowledges mistreatment of Russian POWs, these instances are said to appear more “isolated” than that of Ukrainians. As the war rages on nearly three years after the Russian invasion, the report calls for both countries to “intensify” their efforts to uphold international human rights law. The report was published just days before Ukraine launched a renewed offensive in Russia’s Kursk region on Sunday, leaving Russian civilians “shaken”.
Ireland’s landmark hate crime law – the Criminal Justice (Hate Offences) Act 2024 – came into force last week, marking a historic moment in Irish law regarding the treatment of hate-motivated offences. The new law prescribes increased prison sentences where hatred predicated upon real or perceived protected identity characteristics either motivates a crime or is demonstrated during it. Ireland Justice Minister Helen McEntee said last Tuesday that the “legislation meets a clear gap in [Irish] laws and is widely supported by the public”, bringing Ireland out of the small group of EU countries that continue not to have specific hate crime offences set out in law. The bill had originally also contained provisions tightening the laws around hate speech, but this section was dropped in October after McEntee revealed there was no longer a “consensus” on its inclusion. The law around hate speech in Ireland is governed by the Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act 1989, which remains in force.
Activists are celebrating the inclusion of measures in the 2025 National Defence Authorisation Act (the annual US defence spending bill) to address the oppression of the Uyghur Muslim population in China’s Xinjiang region, which the US has labelled genocide. The bill was signed into law by President Joe Biden shortly before Christmas and incorporates the bipartisan Uyghur Human Rights Policy Reauthorisation Act 2024 which extended the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act passed under Trump in 2020. The Act greenlights sanctions against Chinese officials believed to be involved in Uyghur oppression. The renewal of these sanctions has been welcomed by the Uyghur Human Rights Project, with UHRP Executive Director Omer Kanat calling it “a gift of hope for Uyghurs”. The move represents the latest show of continued support for the Uyghur population by the United States.
In the Courts
On Sunday, the Criminal Division of the Seoul Western District Court rejected objections made by Yoon Suk Yeol, suspended President of South Korea, against the execution of arrest and search warrants against him. Yoon has been suspended as President pending impeachment proceedings following a failed attempt in December to impose martial law. Anti-corruption investigators issued the arrest warrant for Yoon and a search warrant for the Presidential residence after the suspended President ignored multiple summons for questioning. Yoon’s legal team filed an objection to the warrants in the courts last Thursday, arguing that they were illegal on the basis that the investigators did not have jurisdiction to issue them, and that, in any case, a criminal law prohibiting the execution of warrants in military areas should apply in his case. It has not yet been revealed on what grounds the court has rejected his arguments, and it is expected that a re-appeal may be lodged with the Supreme Court once this is clear. In the meantime, the Presidential Security Team are taking measures to block Yoon’s arrest, installing barbed wire and barricading the compound where he is residing. The arrest warrant expired at midnight on Monday January 6th with Yoon successful in defying arrest, although investigators are seeking an extension of the warrant’s deadline.
(Jeremy Hyam KC and Alasdair Henderson of 1 Crown Office Row represented the mother in this case)
This was an appeal from a decision in the Divisional Court by Judd J in April 2024. The case raises a question at the core of the transgender debate involving young people: consent.
The young person at the centre of this litigation is now 16 years old. He was born female and started to identify as male in 2020 at the age of about 12.
His parents were estranged. In these circumstances his mother appealed against the refusal of her request for an adjournment of proceedings in which she sought a prohibited steps order and a best interests declaration in relation to her child, pending an assessment being undertaken by a private gender dysphoria clinic (Gender Plus), the first private gender dysphoria hormone clinic in the UK.
It was accepted that, now the young person was by now 16, no Gillick competence question arose (see Sir James Munby at [55] in An NHS Trust v. X [2021] EWHC 65 (Fam), [2021] 4 WLR 11, and MacDonald J at [48]-[49] in GK and LK v. EE [2023] EWCOP 49). It was also accepted that the young person was “impressive, hardworking and intelligent” and had no mental health problems.
Puberty Blockers and Cross-Sex Hormones: Policy Background
As Vos MR noted, a number of events coalesced to make this case a particularly sensitive one at the time of this appeal.
(i) the Cass Interim Review in 2022 led to the closure of the Tavistock clinic that had been in issue in Bell v. Tavistock;
(ii) on 12 March 2024, NHS England published a clinical policy concluding that there was not enough evidence to support the safety or clinical effectiveness of puberty blockers to make the treatment routinely available (outside a research protocol);
(iii) as the first instance judge recorded at [58], NHS Scotland had announced before the hearing that persons under 18 would not be prescribed cross-sex hormones;
(iv) on 21 March 2023, NHS England published a clinical commissioning policy laying down stringent eligibility and readiness requirements to be met before cross-sex hormones could be administered to those over 16;
(v) on 9 April 2024, NHS England wrote to all NHS gender dysphoria clinics asking them to defer offering first appointments to those under 18 “as an immediate response to Dr Cass’s advice that ‘extreme caution’ should be exercised before making a recommendation for [cross-sex hormones] in [children]”;
(vi) on 10 April 2024, the Cass Review was published*; and
(vii) on 11 December 2024 (the day before the hearing before the Court of Appeal), the government announced that the temporary embargo on the use of puberty blockers would be made indefinite (subject to a review in 2027).
* For the purposes of this case, the mother highlighted that the Cass Review had called into question the quality of the evidence on which hormone treatments for adolescents are based. Dr Cass says at page 13, for example, that “[t]he reality is that we have no good evidence on the long-term outcomes of interventions to manage gender-related distress”. Moreover, Dr Cass highlights new evidence about brain maturation continuing into the mid-20s, whilst it was originally thought to finish in adolescence. Dr Cass recommended that puberty blockers should only be available within a research protocol, and that recommendation has now been implemented.
The judge at first instance had said first that, whilst the findings of the Cass Review might turn out to be very significant, she did not think they justified her departure from Bell v. Tavistock and from Lieven J’s decision in AB v. CD and Tavistock [2021] EWHC 741 (Fam) (AB v. CD), which the Court of Appeal approved in Bell v. Tavistock.
Arguments before the Court
The father sought to terminate the proceedings begun by the mother on the ground that they were causing the young person significant distress. The mother contended that the proceedings should be adjourned because the legal and regulatory landscape for gender dysphoria treatment was changing rapidly; the Cass review had only been published a week before the hearing before the judge; and Gender Plus was a private provider whose practices and procedures were diverging from the NHS approach. In these circumstances, it behoved the court to keep an eye on a case of this kind in a time of flux. The mother also argued, though not strenuously, that cases concerning treatment for gender dysphoria should be regarded as being in in a special category requiring judicial oversight wherever there was less than complete unanimity. If necessary, the mother submitted that the Court of Appeal should depart from its recent decision in R (Bell) v. Tavistock and Portman NHS Foundation Trust [2021] EWCA Civ 1363, [2022] 1 All ER 416.
The judge below had concluded that, while the Cass review might be significant, it did not justify a departure from the decision in Bell v Tavistock and Portman NHS Foundation Trust [2021] EWCA Civ 1363, [2022] 1 All E.R. 416, [2021] 9 WLUK 157, in which it was held that treatment with puberty blockers should not be distinguished from the consideration of contraception in Gillick, and that questions of Gillick competence were for doctors, not the courts. Judd J held there was no realistic basis upon which to override the young person’s consent to treatment by a regulated provider and that there was no legitimate purpose in adjourning the case.
Join Rosalind English in Episode 211 as she discusses with Lucy McCann and Jonathan Metzer of 1 Crown Office Row the cases that have been decided at all levels in the courts in 2024 that have had, or will have, important implications for practitioners and litigants in fields ranging from children in care through anonymity in medical negligence to the forfeiture of property under the Suicide Act 1961 in the light of the passage of the Assisted Dying Bill. The cases we talk about include the following:
HXA v Surrey County Council [2023] UKSC 52 (abuse, failure to remove and Article 3)
AB (by the Official Solicitor) v Worcestershire County Council and Anor [2023] EWCA Civ 529 (local authority liability under Article 3)
Sammut v Next Steps Mental Healthcare Ltd [2024] EWHC 2265 (KB) (inquests, Article 2 and private care homes)
PMC v A Local Health Board [2024] EWHC 2969 (KB) (anonymisation in clinical negligence cases)
Abbasi and Haastrup (conjoined cases) [2023] EWCA Civ 331 (reporting restriction orders, anonymisation of professionals in medical treatment cases)
Paul v Wolverhampton NHS Trust [2022] EWCA Civ 12 (psychiatric injury or “nervous shock)
Tindall & Anor v Chief Constable of Thames Valley Police [2024] UKSC 33 (23 October 2024) (police Liability)
N v Poole Borough Council [2019] UKSC 25 (duty of care of public authorities)
Philip Morris v James Morris, Kate Shmuel and Gregory White [2024] EWHC 2554 (Ch) (assisted dying and the Forfeiture Act)
McKleenon, re Application for Judicial Review (Northern Ireland) 2024 UKSC 31 (judicial review and remedies)AB
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Health Secretary Wes Streeting revealed last week that the Government has placed an indefinite ban on the use of puberty blockers for trans youth, following advice from the Commission on Human Medicines that the medicines pose an ‘unacceptable safety risk’. The ban also follows the recommendations of the recent Cass Review, which was heavily criticised by rights groups. Speaking to the Commons on Wednesday, Streeting stressed that he was ‘determined’ to improve healthcare for trans youth. However, the ban has come under fire from a wide range of rights groups, educational psychologists, clinicians, and members of the British Medical Association. This news comes the same week that the Montana Supreme Court temporarily lifted the state’s ban on puberty blockers while its lawfulness is considered in the courts.
The Government announced last week that £75 million has been made available to compensate LGBT veterans who were affected by the historic ban on LGBT personnel in the Armed Forces. Veterans who were dismissed or discharged as a result of their LGBT identity, real or perceived, will also be able to apply to have their rank restored or discharge reason amended. The announcement represents a major step in the implementation of the recommendations made by the Etherton Review, which looked into the ill treatment of LGBT veterans in the past. Secretary for Defence, John Healey, has called the historic treatment of LGBT veterans a ‘moral stain on our nation’ and expressed his commitment to ‘righting the wrongs of the past’.
A report published by the Women and Equalities Committee this week has found that ‘medical misogyny’ is contributing to the underdiagnosis of serious reproductive health conditions, with women having their painful symptoms ‘normalised’ and ‘dismissed’. The report is critical of the speed of progress following the establishment of the Women’s Health Strategy in 2022, stating that implementation has been slow and incomplete. Chair of the Women and Equalities Committee, Sarah Owen, stated that women are “waiting years for life-changing treatment and in too many cases are being put through trauma-inducing procedures”. “All the while, their conditions worsen and become more complicated to treat”. The report “must act as a wake-up call” for the NHS, she added.
In Other News
The Assad regime, a hereditary totalitarian regime which has governed Syria since 1971, collapsed last week as Damascus was captured by opposition forces. Broadcasting on Syrian national television, the rebels announced at dawn on December 8th that the “tyrant al-Assad” had been “toppled”. It has been reported that Bashar al-Assad has fled to Russia, where he has been granted asylum on ‘humanitarian grounds’. The UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, released a statement celebrating that “after 14 years of brutal war and the fall of the dictatorial regime, today the people of Syria can seize an historic opportunity to build a stable and peaceful future”. Burcu Ozcelik, senior research fellow at London think tank Royal United Services Institute, has said there while there was ‘undoubtedly justified optimism in Syria’ at the news, it is ‘simultaneously true that Syria remains fragile and faces an uncertain future’. Since the overthrow, Israel has intensified airstrikes on Syria and invaded the demilitarised buffer zone between Syria and the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. The UN has responded stating it is “deeply concerned by the recent and extensive violations of Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
The MPs who thwarted the declaration of marshal law by South Korea President Yoon Suk Yeol in early December have now voted for his impeachment. The imposition of martial law was said to be necessary to protect the country from “anti-state forces” and the North Korean threat. Within two hours, MPs forcibly entered the National Assembly to vote against the declaration – with the Parliament’s speaker telling the BBC he climbed over a wall to gain entry so he could ‘protect democracy’. Large crowds gathered in Seoul as the impeachment vote took place, with police revealing they expected as many as 200,000 protestors. In a televised address, Yoon insisted that he will fight “until the end” to defend his “act of governance” in imposing martial law.
This was not a class action but a representative action, pursuant to what is now Civil Procedure Rule (CPR) 19.8, for the tort of misuse of private information against the respondents Google UK Limited (Google) and DeepMind Technologies Limited (DeepMind). The action was on behalf of Mr Prismall and a class of persons said to number approximately 1.6 million.
The appeal was against the striking out of his representative claim for misuse of private information in the court below. In a representative action like this the task before the judge is to establish whether the “lowest common denominator” claimant in the class would fail to make their claim. The judge found that the lowest common denominator claimant in the group of persons represented did not have a realistic prospect of success.
Details of the Case
The claim was for damages in respect of both the one-off transfer by the Royal Free London NHS Foundation Trust (the Royal Free Trust) of data in October 2015, and the continuing transfer of data thereafter until 29 September 2017 pursuant to a live data feed. The data which was transferred took the form of patient-identifiable medical records held by the Royal Free Trust of patients, including Mr Prismall, who had attended hospitals in the Royal Free Trust or had blood tests processed by laboratories operated by the Royal Free Trust between 29 September 2010 and 29 September 2015. Google and DeepMind used the data for the purposes of developing an app called “Streams” which was intended to be used to identify and treat patients suffering from Acute Kidney Injury. Google and DeepMind also had, however, a contractual entitlement to use the data for purposes wider than direct patient care and to develop and prove capabilities to enhance future commercial prospects.
At first instance the judge found that each member of the class did not have a realistic prospect of establishing a reasonable expectation of privacy in respect of their medical records or of crossing the de minimis threshold in relation to such an expectation such that there was no realistic prospect of establishing misuse of private information of each member of the class, or a realistic prospect of establishing an entitlement to damages for loss of control. The lowest common denominator was a notional claimant in the class whose claim represented the “irreducible minimum scenario” for a claimant in the class of persons. The judge’s lowest common denominator claimant was premised on the basis that there was one attendance at a trust hospital, which was an attendance not concerning “a medical condition involving any particular sensitivity or stigma” and there being “no specific reference to the medical condition that had prompted the attendance”. The judge had identified for the irreducible minimum scenario for the lowest denominator claimant that “no upset or concern was caused by the data transfer”. The judge found that the lowest common denominator claimant’s claim would fail.
Grounds of claim
Mr Prismall’s claim related to the wrongful use of private patient information by Google and DeepMind in: (1) obtaining patient-identifiable medical records with a contractual entitlement under the Information Sharing Agreement which was wider than direct patient care and the Streams project;
(2) storing the medical records prior to Streams becoming operational;
(3) using the medical records in the research and development of Streams; and
(4) developing and providing their general capabilities by the use of the medical records for the purposes of future commercial prospects. Damages were claimed for loss of control of the private information only.
The judge said that it was “also well-established that not every disclosure of medical information will give rise to a reasonable expectation of privacy and/or involve an unlawful interference.” If anodyne or trivial information about a brief hospital visit was made public by a patient, the judge saw no reason why that information would attract a reasonable expectation of privacy by dint of it being recorded in a medical record.
In Episode 209, Jim Duffy is joined by fellow 1COR barristers Alasdair Henderson and Paula Kelly to examine recent judicial attempts to grapple with questions of gender in the workplace. How do the UK courts and tribunals distinguish legitimate and protected expressions of belief from harassment and transphobia?
This was a very simple case that illustrates in a nutshell the courts’ approach to the principle of “ex turpi causa”: the notion that prevents a claimant from seeking a legal remedy if the claim arises in connection with their own illegal or immoral act. Even in a civil case, courts are reluctant to allow a party to benefit from their own wrongdoing, as it may be seen as contrary to the interests of justice and social morals. However, it cannot be a blanket rule, as we shall see from the case below. Proportionality has to to be applied.
This concerned an RTA leading to a claim for damages by the claimant for repair to his car after the defendant negligently drove his lorry into it whilst it was parked.
A small and mundane detail could have made all the difference to the outcome. The claimant had not renewed the MOT on his car for some months before the accident, so that the defendant pleaded that the the claimant’s argument that he needed to be reimbursed for the car he had to hire after his car had been damaged meant that he had had no insurance at the time of the accident, and that the claim should fall as being ex turpi causa (Agheampong v Allied Manufacturing (London) Ltd [2009] Lloyds Rep IR 379.)
Furthermore, and as the next logical step, the defendant asserted that, because there was no valid MOT certificate for the Volvo, the claimant had suffered no compensable loss when the Volvo was rendered unroadworthy by the defendant’s tort. This was called a “causation defence”.
The Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill passed its second reading debate on 29 November 2024. The current draft of the bill is available here. The dates for the Committee Stage have not yet been announced. Supporters of the bill point out that the bill is limited to allowing assisted dying only for adults with mental capacity who have a terminal illness and can be reasonably expected to die within six months and has a range of safeguards. The process to request assistance requires the approval of two doctors (independent of each other) and a High Court judge. THe bill also creates an offence of dishonesty, coercion and pressure to protect vulnerable people from inappropriate pressures. However, critics of the bill cast doubt on the safeguards, arguing that people can shop around for doctors and that there are not enough High Court judges to provide sufficient scrutiny of applications. There are also continuing debates regarding whether the bill creates a “slippery slope” allowing assisted dying to be available to more people in the future (for example here and here).
In the courts The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has published a judgment that could have wide ranging impacts on states obligations with respect to protection for LGBTQ asylum-seekers. MI is a gay man from Iran who was facing threats from his relatives due to his sexual orientation. He was denied asylum in Switzerland with the Federal Administrative Court holding that while homosexuality is a criminal offence in Iran, in practice convictions are rare. The Federal Administrative Court held that MI’s sexual orientation was not widely known and so he would be safe in Iran provided that he lived “a life of discretion”. The ECtHR held that the Swiss authorities incorrectly determined that MI faced no real risk of ill-treatment because it was unlikely that MI’s sexual orientation would become known to the Iranian authorities. Further, the Swiss authorities failed to carry out the necessary assessment of the availability of state protection against harm caused by non-state actors (in this case MI’s relatives). The ECtHR went on to hold that it would be unreasonable to expect an LGBTQ person to seek protection from the Iranian authorities.
Following the recent allegations of abuse surrounding former owner of Harrods, Mohamed Al-Fayed, vicarious liability has been in the news once again.
In Episode 208, Emma-Louise Fenelon speaks to Isabel McArdle about developments in this area of law since her previous episode with Rob Kellar KC in 2020 and in particular since the Supreme Court decision in Trustees of the Barry Congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses v BXB [2023] UKSC 15
US President Joe Biden agreed last week to provide Ukraine with anti-personnel land mines as part of their 70th military aid package to Ukraine. The decision represents a significant departure from the Biden-Harris Administration’s 2022 policy which committed to limiting the use of landmines on the grounds that the weapons have a ‘disproportionate impact on civilians, including children, long after fighting has stopped’. Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy expressed his gratitude to the US in a video address last Wednesday, stating that the ‘essential’ mines will ‘significantly strengthen troops on the front line’. However, the decision has been met with widespread concern. The International Campaign to Ban Landmines has condemned the decision as ‘unconscionable’, expressing that the ‘human cost of this decision cannot be overstated. Ukraine already faces decades of demining work due to extensive Russian landmine use. Adding new mines to this contamination will only extend the suffering of civilians and complicate post-conflict recovery efforts’.
Uganda opposition leader Kizza Besigye appeared in military court this week after disappearing on November 16th in Kenya’s capital, Nairobi. Last Wednesday, it transpired that he was being held in Ugandan military custody when he appeared before the court charged with national security offences and unlawful possession of firearms. Winnie Byanyima, Besigye’s wife and human rights activist, said in a post on X that Besigye ‘has not owned a gun in the last 20 years’, and, as a civilian, ‘should be tried in a civilian court not a military court’. Human Rights Watch have stated that this is only the ‘latest example of Uganda’s authorities misusing military courts and military-related charges to clamp down on the opposition’. UN Human Rights Chief Volker Turk has released a statement expressing his ‘shock’ at the ‘abduction’ and the ‘deeply concerning practice in Uganda of prosecuting civilians in military courts, in contravention of the country’s obligations under international human rights law’.
In the Courts
On Thursday, the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced its decision to issue warrants of arrest for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, alongside Mohammed Deif, Hamas military leader whom Israel claim was killed earlier this year. The decision comes after the dismissal of two challenges launched by Israel disputing the Court’s jurisdiction. The warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant are issued after the Chamber found ‘reasonable grounds’ to believe the individuals bear criminal responsibility for alleged ‘crimes against humanity and war crimes’. Netanyahu responded later on Thursday to the news of a warrant being issued against him, claiming that the ICC’s warrant is based on ‘false’ accusations made by ‘biased judges who are motivated by antisemitic sentiments against the one and only Jewish state’, and that ‘no war is more just than the war that Israel has been waging in Gaza’. US President Joe Biden has called the decision ‘outrageous’, stating that ‘whatever the ICC might imply, there is no equivalence — none — between Israel and Hamas’. Downing Street, though declining to comment on the specific case, has indicated that it will fulfil its ‘legal obligations’ as imposed under international law. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, speaking to Sky News, added that it is ‘not really a question of should; we are required to because we are members of the ICC.’
A Wyoming Judge on Monday struck down the State’s ban on abortion – including its explicit ban on abortion pills – following a legal challenge brought by a group of women and non-profit organisations. Melissa Owens, Teton Country district judge, ruled that the ban violated a 2012 state constitutional amendment which enshrined the right of Wyoming citizens to have control over their healthcare decisions. Owens stated in judgment that ‘abortion procedures constitute essential health care for pregnant women’ and that there is ‘no compelling governmental interest to eliminate abortion procedures based on the State’s position that abortions are gruesome and barbaric’. Wyoming Governor Mark Gordon announced the day after judgment was handed down that he has instructed the Attorney General to prepare an appeal to the Wyoming Supreme Court, whose members were all appointed by anti-abortion Republican governors.
The Equality and Human Rights Commission published its written submissions last week in advance of the Supreme Court hearing in For Women Scotland v Scottish Ministers, in which it has been granted permission to intervene. The case, which is likely to result in a landmark decision on the legal definitions of ‘woman’ and ‘sex’, is due to take place on the 26th and 27th of November. The appeal has been brought by the controversial gender-critical campaign group For Women Scotland and contests the lawfulness of Scottish Government guidance which states that a person with a Gender Recognition Certificate that recognises their gender as female is to be treated as having the sex of woman. The EHRC’s submissions on appeal take the view that the definition of sex in the Equality Act ‘creates significant inconsistencies, which impair the proper functioning of the Equality Act and jeopardise the rights and interests of women and same-sex attracted people. […] As the equality regulator, we deem this to be a wholly unsatisfactory situation, which Parliament should address with urgency’. Amnesty International UK, who are also intervening, have stated that they are doing so because they believe ‘it is vital the Court is assisted by submissions setting out why legal gender recognition is a human rights issue and that trans people should not be expected to live without it’. A case note on the decision being appealed this week can be found here on the blog.
Benjamin Seifert of 1 Crown Office Row joins Lucy McCann to introduce our listeners to extradition law. Listen to Episode 207 to find out about the statutory framework that governs extradition, the procedure, the types of challenges raised when resisting extradition and recent developments in extradition law in the UK Supreme Court.
This was an application by a father for a declaration that it should be lawful for him to use an embryo created using his sperm and his late wife’s eggs in treatment with a surrogate. The Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority opposed the application, on the basis that there was insufficient consent from his wife (AB).
The embryo was created in 2017 during the course of treatment being undertaken by EF and AB at a clinic licensed by the HFEA and remains stored by them. EF’s wife died unexpectedly along with the couple’s youngest daughter. It was against that background that this application was made.
EF argued that the HFEA’s decision preventing him from using the remaining embryo amounted to an interference (i) with his Article 8 rights, alone and as interpreted in light of Article 9, and (ii) with those rights when considered in the context of Article 14, which prohibits discrimination in the treatment of men and women. Such interference with those rights, in the circumstances of this case, was disproportionate. Therefore, argued the applicant, the Court was required by s 3 HRA 1998 to read and give effect to primary and subordinate legislation in a way which is compatible with Convention Rights.
Both EF and his late wife were adherents of what the court called the “J religion”, whose central doctrine is the sanctity of life and the divine purpose of all life forms. They believed that the divine soul enters the embryo at point of conception.
They both came from large families and wished to replicate that pattern for themselves. AB suffered a miscarriage in 2008. They went on to have a daughter (X) and they wanted a sibling for her. After IVF treatment AB gave birth to Y. Y subsequently died of neonatal complications. AB and EF wished to use their remaining embryo retrieved in that IVF treatment to have another child.
Deb and Graham characterise my argument as follows: “the right to life under Article 2 is absolute and allows no exception; there is a negative obligation upon the UK not to take life; any euthanasia laws would necessarily involve the taking of life; therefore euthanasia laws would breach Article 2.” They then point out that this argument has been rejected in Mortier v Belgium.
The problem is that this completely mischaracterises my argument and as result Deb and Graham dedicate several paragraphs to attacking a strawman. My argument was much narrower than they claim. As I explained in my blog post the “negative obligation prohibits the State from conducting euthanasia and assisted suicide itself, even as part of a well-regulated scheme with appropriate safeguards. This means that, under the Convention, States may allow/tolerate private parties from conducting euthanasia/assisted suicide with appropriate safeguards but the State itself cannot conduct them.” (emphasis added)
This week the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill was published, with the second reading vote scheduled for 29 November 2024. The bill would allow terminally ill adults, who have capacity, to request to be provided with assistance to end their own life (clause 1). “Terminally ill” is defined in the bill to mean that the requestor has an inevitable progressive illness that cannot be reversed by treatment and as a result their death can reasonably be expected within six months (clause 2). The requestor would be assessed by two doctors (see clauses 7 and 8) and their request would be subject to approval from a High Court judge (clause 12). The bill confirms that medical workers who object to assisted dying will have no obligation to provide assistance (clause 23). The bill also creates offences of dishonesty, coercion or pressure in relation to requesting assistance (clause 26) and falsification or destruction of documentation regarding requests of assistance (clause 27). The controversial bill has stirred debate regarding the proper balance between bodily autonomy and safeguarding vulnerable people. On this blog, there has been a debate on whether the bill would place the UK in breach of article 2 ECHR (available here and here). There is also discussion of “slippery slopes” ie. whether once the bill has passed assisted dying could be made available to a wider range of requestors and the potential dangers (available here and here).
In their co-authored judgment, Lord Sales and Dame Siobhan Keegan provide a rich analysis of how the courts should consider the welfare of children in an immigration context. In doing so, they clarify the meaning and effect of Section 55 of the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Act 2009 (“Section 55”) and its interaction with Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (“Article 8”). The judgment provides a guide for how the appellate courts should assess decision-making by the Secretary of State, her officials, and the First-tier Tribunal.
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